Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Friday, September 30, 2011

MCA gung-ho only when it comes to talking, says Tee Keat


Saturday, 01 October 2011 08:42 


Written by Malaysia Chronicle 


 




The MCA is on the path to irrelevance, its former president Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat said this week ahead of the party’s annual gathering this weekend.

He said the Barisan Nasional (BN) component has not heeded the push for reform that saw the party lose 25 of the 40 federal and 59 of the 90 state seats it contested in Election 2008.“MCA is still stuck in the mindset of being gung-ho with statements instead of delivering good governance. It is parroting old polemic rather than delivering reforms asked for by voters.

“If MCA continues on this same old path and psyche, then it is certainly headed for irrelevance. Some have bluntly said we are already irrelevant,” said Ong, who was deposed as MCA boss by Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek in a fractious power struggle 18 months ago.

The Pandan MP cited, as examples of “empty platitudes,” his successor’s threats to quit BN if Umno implemented hudud and to resign from the Cabinet and other government posts if the party does not improve in a general election expected soon.




“I don’t see how his threats can lift the party from its doldrums,” he said.

The party holds what is likely to be its final general assembly this weekend before federal polls are called.

But despite having three presidents in as many years, the MCA has seen Chinese support continue to shrink in by-elections.

Some analyses state that the Tenang polls held earlier this year saw just 18 per cent of Chinese voting for BN.

Datuk Seri Najib Razak has begun taking over the charge for Chinese votes, spending last weekend dishing out RM15 million to Chinese schools and exempting a Community Chest project headed by Chinese tycoons from tax to help it channel RM100 million a year into vernacular education.

“Najib as BN chief is spearheading initiatives to win Chinese votes, triggering the question of ‘where is MCA?’ from the public,” Ong said.

He said the MCA could not shirk its responsibility as part of government despite Umno’s seniority in the ruling coalition.

“How are they justifying their position as minister? Chinese want a level playing field. Ministers must get rid of cronies and monopolies,” he said.

Ong cited his 26-month tenure as transport minister where he opened the probe on the RM12.5 billion Port Klang Free Zone scandal even though senior officers told him it was a closed case.

“I put aside considerations of whether or not it would implicate Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik or Tan Sri Chan Kong Choy,” he said of the former MCA president and deputy who were Ong’s predecessors as transport minister.

“I was more concerned about how the party had been linked to that debacle which was a key factor in the March 2008 tsunami,” he added, referring to the BN’s landmark loss of its customary two-thirds majority in Parliament and five state governments.

But, he said, the reforms he tried to implement in the party and in the Transport Ministry, now headed by MCA secretary-general Datuk Seri Kong Cho Ha, “all went down the drain” after he was ousted.

He also said he tried to caution Datuk Seri Ng Yen Yen whose tourism projects such as the RM1.8 million spent on developing six Facebook tourism campaigns have been repeatedly questioned.

“Taxpayers have every reason to ask, how can you justify your presence in that portfolio?” he said of the tourism minister, who was also criticised last year when Parliament revealed that she slashed her tourism promotional budget but increased spending on her official trips abroad.

Ng also came under fire after Tourism Malaysia’s former advertising agency alleged that the ministry had asked for bribes in exchange for a promotion contract.

“I admit that I failed to convince the party to change its mindset,” he said of his 18 months in charge of the MCA.





Saturday, September 3, 2011

Tee Keat says Soi Lek backed ‘ketuanan Melayu’


Malaysian Insider


By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal

December 09, 2010




KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 9 — Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat accused Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek today of previously supporting the concept of “ketuanan Melayu”, contradicting the party’s fiery rhetoric now against Umno.






He said Dr Chua also remained subservient to Umno.



Ong, who was ousted as MCA leader this year by Dr Chua, said he was “surprised” and “puzzled” by his rival’s recent call for a ban on terms like “ketuanan Melayu” and censuring Umno for approving government policies during its supreme council meetings.



He claimed that Dr Chua’s firebrand views now contradicted his past statements on similar issues.



Ong alleged that Dr Chua’s remarks at last week’s Barisan Nasional (BN) convention were not only a distinct U-turn from the MCA chief’s past views, they also mirrored Ong’s stand when he was party chief.



“Firstly, on the issue of ‘ketuanan Melayu” (Malay supremacy) he mentioned about the master-slave relationship. I brought this up as early as 2008 when I was interviewed by Bernama, and of course I was under fire back then.



“But at the same time I can still remember some time back he (Dr Chua) himself was supportive of ketuanan Melayu. Especially when he made a statement in a front-page report of Utusan, which was given wide coverage,” said Ong today.



The Pandan MP demanded Dr Chua explain his change of heart, saying that MCA members knew about the “real” stand of some of its top leaders regarding the matter.



“Now all of the sudden he makes such a stand, of course that has taken me by surprise. At least when I expressed my view, I did so through the proper channels. Of course I don’t mean to say that he couldn’t voice his concern but what really surprised me was on the same subject matter, not too long along you were saying something different, and you seem to have made a U-turn and that you choose to do it glaringly, in the open. Which one is your real stand? Please state.”



Dr Chua had told his Umno allies that there should not be a “big brother, small brother” system in the ruling pact.



In his speech at the BN convention, Dr Chua had made direct references to Umno as he reminded the ruling party that the MCA, and all other component parties, deserved to receive equal recognition as coalition partners.



The veteran politician even took a direct swipe at Umno by pointing out that the MCA was not in agreement with how important government policy decisions were made during Umno supreme council meetings instead in the Cabinet.



The MCA president’s remarks were not well received by many Umno leaders, with Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein saying yesterday that Dr Chua had upset a number of leaders last weekend with his remarks.



Hishammuddin had said that many had expressed their dissatisfaction that the straight-talking MCA president had used the Barisan Nasional convention over the weekend as a platform to air his grouses against Umno.



Ong also accused Dr Chua today of abandoning several proposals which Ong had pushed for during his tenure as MCA president.



“When I was MCA president, I brought up such suggestions to BN, to have multi-party participation in the BN grassroots network, especially the appointment of BN divisional chiefs.



“MCA brought up such a proposal and that was adopted by BN ... whereby if a constituency is represented by the MCA or any component party, the BN divisional chairmanship should go to the same party, and that was accepted. If the candidate won, the BN MP should himself be BN division chairman. If he lost, the chairmanship should go to the division chief of the component party,” explained the Pandan MP.



Ong claimed that the implementation of the proposal had been “watered down” when Dr Chua took over the MCA leadership, suggesting that despite the MCA president’s apparent boldness in defending the MCA’s rights, the latter was still subservient to Umno.



“Chua somehow, without the knowledge of grassroots, had overturned this decision ...and at the end of the day, the overwhelming majority of the divisional chairmanship still goes to Umno and of course that was done with his (Dr Chua’s) full knowledge, his consent as well. This could only be done at the BN supreme council level, and I was no longer in the council (when the decision was overturned),” said the one-time transport minister.

Monday, August 22, 2011

Colorful First Spouses

Miyuki Hatoyama

Clearly, opposites attract. Just consider the marriage between incoming Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and his wife Miyuki. While Hatoyama, head of the upstart Democratic Party of Japan, is largely viewed in Japan as one of the duller members of a fairly colorless profession, Miyuki, an inspirational speaker and former actress, is literally out of this world. She has recently written a book in which she revealed that her soul has traveled via UFO to Venus — a planet she described as "an extremely beautiful place" and "very green." She also confessed to eating the sun ("Like this: yum, yum, yum. It gives me enormous energy") and hanging out with Tom Cruise (in a previous life, when Cruise was apparently Japanese). Hatoyama, who harbors ambitions of starring alongside Cruise in a movie one day, knows exactly what she'll say to him when they cross paths on set. "He would recognize me when I see him and say 'Long time, no see!,'" she told a TV talk-show host earlier in the year.

Imelda Marcos

Though Imelda Marcos may be best known for her extensive collection of shoes, gowns, and jewelry, there was much more to her. The former beauty queen married then-Philippine Congressman Ferdinand E. Marcos, who would become the country's 10th President in 1966. And Imelda, whom Marcos appointed to various positions in government, was a polarizing figure early on; in 1972, an assailant, Carlito Dimahilig, tried to stab her to death during a televised award ceremony.

Hillary Clinton

The current Secretary of State served as a distinguished First Lady in the 1990s. But, according to respected journalist Bob Woodward, Hillary has held imaginary conversations with the likes of Eleanor Roosevelt and Mahatma Gandhi as a means of therapeutic release. The claims came in Woodward's 1997 book The Choice and were apparently backed up by Clinton herself, who admitted in her nationally syndicated "Talking It Over" column that she'd "talked" to Roosevelt about the role of a First Lady. "She usually responds by telling me to buck up, or at least to grow skin as thick as a rhinoceros," noted Bill Clinton. Considering she went on to become elected twice as Senator from New York, run for President and serve as Secretary of State, it's advice she has no doubt taken to heart.

Carla Bruni

Leave it to the French to have a First Lady who in most other countries would be on posters hung in teenage boys' bedrooms. The Italian music star and former supermodel has famously declared that she's "bored by monogamy." She has also disguised her voice when going out shopping to avoid being recognized (a ploy that must only work on the blind), had an affair with Rolling Stone Mick Jagger (which contributed to Jagger and Jerry Hall getting divorced) and has appeared in nude photos and sex tapes — both of which were subsequently stolen. The latest rumor about France's First Lady, whom President Nicolas Sarkozy married in early 2008 just three months after divorcing his first wife Cécilia, is that she has been cast in the next Woody Allen movie.

Betty Ford

It's been said that Betty Ford's impact on American culture may be far wider and more lasting than that of her husband, President Gerald Ford. Nevertheless, the woman once dubbed the country's Fighting First Lady by this very publication did have some quirks. In addition to being open about the benefits of psychiatric treatment, she spoke with compassion about marijuana use and premarital sex. (The First Lady wasn't shy with her opinions on marital sex either, once saying that if she were to be asked how often she and the President had sex, her response would be, "as often as possible.") And along the closed corridors of the White House, she was known to do the Bump (a dance fad of the 1970s), wear a mood ring and chat away on her CB radio. Her handle? First Mama. There was a darker side to Ford, of course, which came to a head in 1978 when her family staged an intervention to make her confront her battle with alcoholism and dependence on pills. Four years later, after her recovery, Ford founded the California addiction-treatment center that continues to bear her name.

Nancy Reagan

In 1988, former Reagan chief of staff Donald Regan revealed in his memoir For the Record that Nancy had regularly consulted an astrologer during the 1980s after her husband was wounded in an assassination attempt. More recently, she told Vanity Fair that, "It sounds strange, but ... I see Ronnie. At nighttime, if I wake up, I think Ronnie's there, and I start to talk to him. It's not important what I say. But the fact is, I do think he's there. And I see him." Then President-elect Barack Obama fanned these particular flames when, during his first press conference after winning the 2008 election, he said that's he'd spoken to all his living predecessors but "didn't want to get into a Nancy Reagan thing about, you know, doing any séances." Obama quickly apologized "for the careless and offhanded remark."

Mary Todd Lincoln

First lady Mary Todd Lincoln — who has been cited as the most eccentric American First Lady of all time — is said to have held occult gatherings in an attempt to communicate with the dead, including the Lincolns' son Willie, who died during his father's first term. What's more, she claimed to have psychic abilities and swore that she had foreseen her husband's election. If only she had warned him not to attend Ford's Theatre on April 14, 1865. Abraham Lincoln

Dorrit Moussaieff

To say that Iceland's First Lady, the Israeli-born Dorrit Moussaieff, has a mind constantly whirring with ideas is underplaying it ever so slightly. Just a handful of exports and specialities she'd like to make Iceland known for: Omega3-oil pills, genetic testing, LazyTown (the children's TV show), knee operations, spas, bottled water and lamb. And that's saying nothing of the disused airbase she apparently stumbled across and now wants to transform into a store for art collections. Moussaieff doesn't hold back when it comes to her opinions either. The global economic crisis that left Iceland effectively bankrupt has now, according to Moussaieff, made the country "good value"; she dismissed the mass closure of several Icelandic retail outlets, telling the Times of London earlier this year that she believed "only one shop has closed down." She also told the paper that "You could say I despise politicians." Presumably that doesn't include her husband, President Olafur Ragnar Grimsson.

Bess Truman

Elizabeth Virginia Wallace Truman was known as Bess and has been widely quoted when it comes to the ghosts of Presidents past stalking 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. "I'm sure they're here," her husband, President Harry Truman once complained, "and I'm not half so alarmed at meeting up with any of them as I am at having to meet the live nuts I have to see every day." Bess, the story goes, once opened the door to a knock and reported seeing Abraham Lincoln standing there. "What can I do for you, Mr. President?" she apparently asked. With that, Lincoln sensibly vanished.

Denis Thatcher

Former British Prime Minster Margaret Thatcher's better half, Denis, often courted controversy during her 11-year tenure. Months after Thatcher's election in 1979, and as apartheid was in effect, Denis defended a British Lions rugby tour of South Africa. "We are a free people, playing an amateur game," he barked, "and we have the right to play where the hell we like." When news broke of Argentina's invasion of the Falkland Islands in 1982, Denis later recalled "looking at the Times Atlas of the World to find out where the bloody hell they were." But when it came to food, his tastes were somewhat blander: he liked soups, corned beef and baked beans on toast and once sent back his poussin to the kitchen with these words ringing in the waiter's ears: "I want you to take it away, kill it and cook it." As for drink (and it's fair to say that Denis liked one), he would refuse ice as it "diluted the alcohol." Cheers!

Wednesday, April 20, 2011

You’re a liar, Tee Keat tells Soi Lek

Patrick Lee April 20, 2011

Free Malaysia Today



The former MCA boss launches a broadside against his successor for blaming him for the party's continued presence in the federal and state governments after the 2008 polls.



PETALING JAYA: Former MCA president Ong Tee Keat has described his sucessor Dr Chua Soi Lek as a “despicable liar”.



He was responding to Chua’s remark that it was Ong’s decision to allow MCA leaders to assume government posts despite the party’s dismal performance in the 2008 general election.



“Chua’s statement on my alleged insistence of staying in the federal Cabinet after 2008 should be disdained in view of its factual flaws,” said Ong.



He said that it was not possible for him to have made such a decision when he was not even MCA’s president in March 2008.



(The party president at the time was Ong Ka Ting. Tee Keat assumed the presidency on Oct 18, 2010)



Ong also added that Chua never mentioned anything about staying out of the federal government during the former’s tenure as president.



“The presidential council, which Chua was in (as deputy president), unanimously mandated me to handle the matter with the new prime minister,” he said.



‘Ongoing prejudice’



Chua’s statement, Ong claimed, was indicative of an ongoing prejudice against him.



“Perhaps Chua has been overly obsessed with his prejudice against my political presence until today,” he said.



The former president also criticized his successor for being hypocritical, as the latter had assumed various official positions after Najib Tun Razak took over as prime minister.



These included the MCA presidency on March 28 last year, the Penang Port Commission Chairman and becoming a member of the PM-run Economic Council.



Ong also took a swipe at Chua for pushing his son up the political ladder to become Labis MP and eventually a deputy minister in Najib’s Cabinet.



Following the Sarawak state election on Sunday, Chua had urged Sarawak-based Chinese party SUPP to reject positions in the state government in view of the party’s heavy defeat.



His call was met by criticism from DAP, who asked why MCA did not do the same after the 2008 general election.



Meanwhile, Ong said Chua should have walked his talk by pulling out Perak MCA from the state government as well since the party’s candidates were wiped out in the 2008 polls.



“He has no excuse to be evasive as he has been helming Perak MCA for the past one year,” he added.

Dato' Sri Ong Tee Kee response to Chua Soi Lek's nonsensical allegations

By Dato' Sri Ong Tee Keat
Though Chua Soi Lek (CSL)’s statement on my alleged insistence of staying in federal Cabinet after the 2008 electoral setback faced by MCA should rightfully be disdained in view of its factual flaws, the despicable intention of spreading lies on-line should in no way be connived without setting the record straight.


Perhaps CSL has been overly obsessed with his prejudice against my political presence till today that he has erroneously attributed the decision of MCA to stay in Cabinet after the said setback to my alleged insistence when I was then NOT the Party President. (Note: Ong Ka Ting was then still the President till 18-10-2008)


In early April 2009 when Dato’ Sri Najib Abdul Razak took over the premiership, I was consulted in my capacity as the then Party President on the choice of MCA nominees to the Cabinet. The question of opting out the Cabinet line-up had never arisen as the Presidential Council, of which CSL was a member by virtue of his position as the Deputy President, had unanimously mandated me to handle the matter with the new Prime Minister. At that material time, nobody, including CSL, had ever raised the issue of staying out of the Cabinet.


Given the benefits of hindsight, had CSL been serious with his purported claim of staying out of the Cabinet in face of the plummeting ethnic Chinese representation in the 2008 poll, he could have done so after he took over the MCA Presidency on 28-3-2010. But instead, he had his own son, Tee Yong (MP for Labis) in the Cabinet line-up when Dato Sri Najib announced the Cabinet reshuffle on 1-6-2010.


On the other hand, CSL who had earlier vowed not to lobby for any government posts, however paradoxically chose to renege his words  when he happily accepted the government portfolio appointments as the Penang Port Commission Chairman and later a member of the Economic Council headed by the Prime Minister.


Similarly, CSL could have reversed any earlier decision by bringing MCA out from the Perak State government if he were truly committed to what he advised SUPP, instead of resorting to finger-pointing. He has no excuse to be evasive as he has been helming the Perak MCA for the past one year.


I have no intention to pick a quarrel with such a character as there are many more meaningful things to do in serving the people, especially my Pandan electorate. Actions speak louder than fabricated lies deliberately dispensed with for political assassination.


Thursday, December 9, 2010

Tee Keat says Soi Lek backed ‘ketuanan Melayu’

Malaysian Insider
By Shazwan Mustafa Kamal

December 09, 2010




KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 9 — Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat accused Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek today of previously supporting the concept of “ketuanan Melayu”, contradicting the party’s fiery rhetoric now against Umno.
He said Dr Chua also remained subservient to Umno.



Ong, who was ousted as MCA leader this year by Dr Chua, said he was “surprised” and “puzzled” by his rival’s recent call for a ban on terms like “ketuanan Melayu” and censuring Umno for approving government policies during its supreme council meetings.



He claimed that Dr Chua’s firebrand views now contradicted his past statements on similar issues.



Ong alleged that Dr Chua’s remarks at last week’s Barisan Nasional (BN) convention were not only a distinct U-turn from the MCA chief’s past views, they also mirrored Ong’s stand when he was party chief.



“Firstly, on the issue of ‘ketuanan Melayu” (Malay supremacy) he mentioned about the master-slave relationship. I brought this up as early as 2008 when I was interviewed by Bernama, and of course I was under fire back then.



“But at the same time I can still remember some time back he (Dr Chua) himself was supportive of ketuanan Melayu. Especially when he made a statement in a front-page report of Utusan, which was given wide coverage,” said Ong today.



The Pandan MP demanded Dr Chua explain his change of heart, saying that MCA members knew about the “real” stand of some of its top leaders regarding the matter.



“Now all of the sudden he makes such a stand, of course that has taken me by surprise. At least when I expressed my view, I did so through the proper channels. Of course I don’t mean to say that he couldn’t voice his concern but what really surprised me was on the same subject matter, not too long along you were saying something different, and you seem to have made a U-turn and that you choose to do it glaringly, in the open. Which one is your real stand? Please state.”



Dr Chua had told his Umno allies that there should not be a “big brother, small brother” system in the ruling pact.



In his speech at the BN convention, Dr Chua had made direct references to Umno as he reminded the ruling party that the MCA, and all other component parties, deserved to receive equal recognition as coalition partners.



The veteran politician even took a direct swipe at Umno by pointing out that the MCA was not in agreement with how important government policy decisions were made during Umno supreme council meetings instead in the Cabinet.



The MCA president’s remarks were not well received by many Umno leaders, with Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein saying yesterday that Dr Chua had upset a number of leaders last weekend with his remarks.



Hishammuddin had said that many had expressed their dissatisfaction that the straight-talking MCA president had used the Barisan Nasional convention over the weekend as a platform to air his grouses against Umno.



Ong also accused Dr Chua today of abandoning several proposals which Ong had pushed for during his tenure as MCA president.


“When I was MCA president, I brought up such suggestions to BN, to have multi-party participation in the BN grassroots network, especially the appointment of BN divisional chiefs.



“MCA brought up such a proposal and that was adopted by BN ... whereby if a constituency is represented by the MCA or any component party, the BN divisional chairmanship should go to the same party, and that was accepted. If the candidate won, the BN MP should himself be BN division chairman. If he lost, the chairmanship should go to the division chief of the component party,” explained the Pandan MP.



Ong claimed that the implementation of the proposal had been “watered down” when Dr Chua took over the MCA leadership, suggesting that despite the MCA president’s apparent boldness in defending the MCA’s rights, the latter was still subservient to Umno.



“Chua somehow, without the knowledge of grassroots, had overturned this decision ...and at the end of the day, the overwhelming majority of the divisional chairmanship still goes to Umno and of course that was done with his (Dr Chua’s) full knowledge, his consent as well. This could only be done at the BN supreme council level, and I was no longer in the council (when the decision was overturned),” said the one-time transport minister.


Friday, November 5, 2010

Eight reasons why Pakatan lost

Bridget Welsh

Nov 5, 10

3:59pm


 
ANALYSIS The BN deservedly should claim and savour yesterday's victories. The combined gains in Galas and Batu Sapi show significant swings across ethnic minorities, which proved to be decisive in determining the final outcome.



This is the first major turning point in the political stalemate between the BN and Pakatan Rakyat among all of the 13 by-elections since March 2008.



From the ground, it was clear that the BN had the advantage in both seats, and I expected both wins. The results, however, are even larger than expected.
What happened?



It is important to understand that these two seats typify a particular form; they are mixed semi-rural seats, like Hulu Selangor. They represent the opposition's political periphery – places where the opposition won unexpectedly in 2008 – and, importantly, are the current battleground for national power.



The BN's double victories showcase their ability to win this type of seats and hold onto its dominant national position in government.



Allow me to elaborate some factors that shaped the results in what I have grouped under the 'semi-rural' category combined with some changes in the national political landscape.


1) Machinery and the personal touch




The BN was ready for these two battles. They had, as one party worker described, the “guns and bullets” to deliver the results. The preparation for the campaign began early and unlike the opposition which did not develop momentum until days into the campaign period, the BN was off and running from the onset.
The opposition was stretched and imported their party workers from nearby, as they lacked effective local networks. The fact that the two by-elections occurred on the same day weakened the collective Pakatan effort and points to the weakness of Pakatan nationally.



What is particular to semi-rural seats is the presence of the personal touch. BN's strong local networks provided voters in these areas with people whom they could connect to and trust. The grassroots house-to-house approach worked well in these semi-rural areas.



In contrast, the deluge of Pakatan 'outsiders' did not translate into effective machinery on the ground, particularly since most came for only a few days and campaigning lacked the needed personal touch.


2) Political infighting




What weakened the opposition further was infighting, especially in Sabah. Granted, both sides had divisions, but Umno and BN were able to manage them better. They focused on their target - victory.



Cooperation was noticeably missing in the opposition, with people staying away from supporting the team. This was most obvious in Batu Sapi, where physical violence occurred at the start of the campaign, but this occurred as well in Galas, where PAS was internally conflicted about the need to win Galas and expend resources.
The divisions in the opposition extended beyond internal component parties to the relationship among the opposition actors, as tensions simmered over the choice of contesting in Batu Sapi and dissatisfaction over the pace of the campaign in both places.



One factor in particular that overshadowed the contests was PKR's party polls. The Batu Sapi contest showed the negative impact of non-consultative decision-making. Many in PKR are still smarting from the perceived bully tactics of the West Malaysian party leaders. The failure to put aside personal ambitions and build bridges for the good of the party contributed to the losses in both places.



The electoral contest was a proxy arena for the internal party fight between an approach that is exclusionary and one that is more inclusive and decentralised. In order to win the political periphery, the opposition needs to be united. The unity in the BN made their victories decisive.



3) The role of local warlords




BN gains should also be credited to the local warlords - Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and Musa Aman. These leaders reinforced the personal touch and provided the organisational base and local understanding for effective campaigns. They minimised infighting. What is striking here is the deficit of local leadership on Pakatan's part.
The BN has returned to its approach of working effectively through decentralised decision-making and it earned dividends.



4) Limited appeal of national leaders



The crucial role of local intermediaries stands in contrast to the minimised impact of national leaders.



While Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin was on the ground, and should be credited for his success in the campaign, the absence of Prime Minister Najib Razak due to chicken pox was striking. He won by not going to the ground and making the campaign about the BN as a whole, not his persona or personal leadership. 
For Pakatan's national leaders, their presence did not yield the expected results. This was most obvious in Batu Sapi and for PKR leader Anwar Ibrahim, who was not able to move the party's vote share to striking distance of victory as the BN won three times more votes.



While these leaders did win support, the contests showed that they cannot do it alone. The two by-elections are a wake-up call to Pakatan leaders to move beyond focusing on their own personal successes and issues and to lay out the policies and platforms to address the needs of the electorate.



Voters are rightly concerned that for Pakatan – with the slogan 'The road to Putrajaya' – the focus is on winning personal power for themselves, as it remains unclear exactly how supporting them will benefit voters.



5) Better multi-ethnic messaging



This issue connects squarely with the need to have consistent and clear messages. The 'change' rhetoric has lost its appeal, not only in Malaysia as Tuesday's US election results show. Now it is more about the delivery and the content of the change.



One area in particular involves multi-ethnic cooperation. Pakatan's approach has been to showcase individual leaders from different ethnic groups as a symbol of their ability to work together across races. Yet, Pakatan has not laid out a clear multi-ethnic platform that addresses the concerns of all groups in areas of rights and religion.
A focus on personal relationships is not enough. In Galas, questions percolated about Malay rights, for example, and PAS was not able to effectively address the concerns of voters who are less politicised and less familiar with the debates.



In Batu Sapi, the concerns of older generations of Sabahans regarding the new citizens were not adequately addressed, and in fact the focus on winning the support of the new Filipino voters backfired in a reduction of support among Chinese and Malays.
In the racialised polity of Malaysia and in mixed seats, appeals to individual groups need overarching platforms on how groups can co-exist peacefully. BN's 1Malaysia rubric – although also limited in actual substance – provided much greater security to voters. This framework provided some traction in semi-rural areas, as it did in Hulu Selangor.



Another dimension on the messaging in these two seats is the fact that many voters in semi-rural areas do not read this article. They do not use online media and are less politicised. The BN's use of the mainstream media gave it an advantage, and allowed it to reinforce its more accessible multi-ethnic framework and slogan.



Yet, this highlights the fact that connecting to the semi-rural periphery is a challenge for Pakatan.



6) Relative economic prosperity



It is particularly a challenge given that economic conditions in many of these semi-rural areas have changed. The issues of inflation and decreased commodity prices are no longer as salient.



Palm oil, rubber and logging provided relative gains for voters in these seats, as most – except the hardcore poor – believed that conditions had improved economically and credited the BN – and Najib – with these gains. Bread and butter issues are the main concern of voters in semi-rural areas.



The Chinese swing-back to the BN, estimated at 5% in Galas, can in part be contributed to better economic conditions there. A similar swing among Batu Sapi voters did not occur, as 3% more supported alternatives in Sabah, but these votes were split and the BN won the lion's share of 42% of the Chinese vote.



The opposition faces an uphill task winning national power when economic conditions favour the incumbent government.



7) Young generation swing



This dynamic played out especially among younger voters, who did not support Pakatan to the same level as before. There was understandably lower turnout among younger voters who did not come back to vote, given that this election happened on a weekday. Yet, even among those who voted, BN support increased.



This was most obvious in Galas where an estimated 7% of younger voters moved toward BN. In Batu Sapi, younger voters moved to BN by an estimated 5%. This is an important national trend, given the large number of younger voters nationally. They want jobs and better wages. BN has capitalised on this more effectively.



8) Goodies



This brings me to my last point, intentionally placed last. There is a tendency to focus on the 'goodies', and excuse losses due to the uneven playing field in the allocation of resources.



This is always a factor in by-elections and clearly took place, although many voters are still waiting for their promised items. This support only goes only so far, and cannot exclusively explain the comparatively large gains that the BN made.



Winning the political periphery



The two by-elections show that the BN is gaining ground, and Najib's policies are having an impact. They, however, are more effective in semi-rural areas – where development concerns, comparative economic prosperity, less political engagement and information, and less machinery and connections for Pakatan are present.



The victories cannot be extended to all seats, especially in the urban areas, and they are not a national phenomenon. Yet, they do suggest that the BN's hold on national power is stronger and gaining. The momentum for the opposition has stopped as they have failed to win the political periphery of semi-rural mixed seats.



The BN was noticeably breathing easier – Batu Sapi and Galas have given them good reason to smile. But Sarawak – with its mix of seats – will provide a much better national test.

DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. She was in both Batu Sapi and Galas to observe the two by-elections. Welsh can be reached at bwelsh@smu.edu.sg.


POSTING FROM Malaysiakini


Saturday, October 16, 2010

Lee Chee Leong may take legal action against Malaysia Chronicle



Friday, October 15, 2010



Kuala Lumpur, Oct 14 - Deputy Home Minister and Kampar Member of Parliament Datuk Lee Chee Leong today slammed Malaysia Chronicle for publishing an article that contained false and untruthful allegations of him having a hand in the decision to reject a RM 30 million donation offer to Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman (UTAR).



Lee said that he was neither consulted nor took part in any discussions with UTAR regarding the donations.



"I also don't own any property, investment or have any direct personal interest in the UTAR development," he added.



Lee also said that he is considering taking legal actions to protect his reputation after lodging a police report.



Malaysia Chronicle had published an article on September 27 this year entitled 'Koon's RM30mill offer: MCA protecting rental income of cronies?' that had allegedly linked Lee to real estate investors in Kampar who were supposedly speculating the rental rates.



In that article, former Perak Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin allegedly told Malaysia Chronicle that MCA had close ties with the Kampar real estate developers near the UTAR campus

 
Posted by Dato' Ti Lian Ker at 1:03 AM 


Tuesday, October 12, 2010

Racing against time to heal MCA's wounds

Mon, 11 Oct 2010 14:33

By FMT Staff




KUALA LUMPUR: MCA, the second largest BN component party, had just conducted its 57th annual general meeting (AGM) on Oct 9 and 10 over the weekend.



It was also the first under Dr Chua Soi Lek’s leadership since he was elected party president under extraordinary circumstances at an extraordinary general meeting, a solution which ended the open leadership crisis led by former president Ong Tee Keat.



Internally, MCA Youth led by Dr Wee Ka Siong, who was purportedly aligned to former MCA president Ong Ka Ting, has shown signs of reconciliation with Chua while the Wanita wing continues to rumble while bearing the scar following the resignation of its former chief Chew Mei Fun on a matter of moral principle over Chua's sensational DVD sex scandal exposed in January 2008.



Recently, Chua publicly admitted that his efforts towards uniting the party in the aftermath his election victory over Tee Keat are showing results, but he admitted that some “divisional warlords” are thwarting his objective.



Meanwhile, the party leadership is facing tremendous pressure arising from increasing racial polarisation, and incidents of racist remarks made by certain quarters, including Perkasa. With a general election looming, Chua is racing against time to heal the wounds of his party and to woo back Chinese support for BN.



Against this background and challenges, the AGM was held over the weekend with a lot of display of rhetoric and messages of motivation.



STANLEY KOH, who used to head the MCA's research unit, shares with FMT his observations and views on the party’s leadership renewal, strengths and weaknesses and on its likely destiny.



How do you read the mood of the just completed AGM of the MCA?



This is the first AGM under Chua’s leadership since he was elected president. I think there are several factors which may shed some light on the mood of the 1,700 or more delegates who were present at the event.



While Chua’s speech sets the tone and direction of his leadership and his party’s relationship with BN-Umno, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak’s message is also crucial in responding to the grouses of MCA. I think all these would affect the overall mood of the delegates who were present. Don't forget the 25% or so delegates who chose to absent themselves but who nevertheless would be reading about the event from mainstream newspapers and online news portals.



Having said this, I think the majority of the delegates are aware that the “red alert” light is on, that is, the party will be facing a daunting task trying to win back seats in the next general election. Many are unhappy with Umno’s leadership in handling some of the more controversial issues or not doing enough to lessen the burden of MCA. But many are also not happy with Chua’s tainted past but nevertheless, he is at the helm of the party now.



However, I can say that the delegates, including those from the Youth and Wanita wings, are not in a happy mood.



Chua in his speech said that the wounds would have been healed by now. Does this mean that there are signs of unity that the party is finally moving forward? Or that the party is putting its acrimonious past onto the backburner?



When politicians talk about unity within their parties, you have to take it with a pinch of salt. With hindsight, I remember former president Ong Ka Ting and his deputy Chan Kong Choy openly announcing that the party was healed after they took over following the Ling (Liong Sik)-Lim (Ah Lek) protracted leadership squabbling sometime in 2004. I think the party’s history showed they were wrong and it showed up in the party’s performance in the 2008 general election.



When Chua used the words, “would have been healed” it could mean two things: either he was not sure (about the healing) or that he was not prepared to tell the truth. I would go further to say that he would rather have the party members guess all the way.



Is unity a crucial factor in MCA’s case?



Put it this way: MCA unity is perpetually illusive. The word 'unity' is not in the DNA of MCA blood lifeline. Anybody who is knowledgeable about the party’s history can tell you the dozen of party leadership crises which had occurred over the decades. The latest crisis following the departure of Ong Ka Ting involved Chua and Ong Tee Keat. When Chua was squabbling with Tee Keat, he did not give party unity a priority but went ahead with an EGM to challenge the incumbent. Of course, it was also done with the noble aim of saving the party and now that he has won the presidency, he is talking about the importance of party unity. To most politicians, that is logical... even if they have had a hand in causing disunity in the party.



Chua challenged Tee Keat under the banner of 'saving' the party even though in the process it actually split the party. Do you see the paradox of politics? So there is some truth in the saying that politicians deliberately make waves so that they can justify saving lives (to prevent drowning).



What is the significant message from Chua at the AGM?



His message is two-fold: the party must close ranks and the top Umno leadership must walk the talk on the 1Malaysia concept.



Can Chua pull his party through in time to face the next general election?



It is still premature to talk about it. I am sure nobody can give you a straightforward, truthful and accurate answer. Not even Chua’s loyal lieutenants at this stage of the political development.



But we have observed Chua’s capability in overcoming challenges in the past against all odds. Most will agree with me that the character of a leader is closely intertwined with the type or brand of leadership he wants to project.



In Chua’s case, I gather that he is a straight talker in political negotiation and bargaining and loathes beating about the bush. He faces his challenges head on just as he had openly dealt with his sensational DVD sex scandal.



It took him two years since his political downfall in 2008 to climb back to the pinnacle of the MCA hierarchy in 2010, patiently recruiting supporters and sympathisers to support him and instilling their confidence in him.



That involved a lot of conspiring, planning, patience and strategic publicity. After committing a moral wrong, he took a less travelled road that many would have abandoned. But that is not Chua’s style of calling it a day.



He joined the Cabinet only in 2004 after having spent decades at the state level in Johor, manoeuvring and climbing up the national ladder.



He is basically a schemer while his detractors labelled him a “cunning” and tactical conspirator. Recently, his open acknowledgement that politics must involve 'fights' and dissension speaks a lot about this man.



Having said all these, I feel Chua can only do so much. His success or failure will only be decided by the voters at the next general election.



Within his party, unless there is no challenge against him from his detractors before the next general election, he may well likely extend his term though he may have given others the impression that his tenure is a temporary one to unite the party. Remember, he pleaded that he wanted to be just an ordinary member but now ended up as president.



The unwritten word is that any changes in the MCA leadership from now on needs the nod from 'atas'. You can guess what that means.



Is there any secret formula Chua will employ to change his public image and that of his party to win back Chinese support?



I don’t think a secret formula is necessary. What he does will eventually come out into the open. Based on observations, his political moves and dealings with the BN government is a telling comment on him.



For months, he had been having a very busy schedule holding meetings and dialogues with all quarters. He travelled the length and breadth of the country meeting associations, clans, business community and leaders to listen to their grouses and conveying their requests to the government or through his ministers and deputies.



He is focusing on all outstanding issues pertaining to Chinese education, which previous party presidents had not fully dealt with. If I am correct in my observation, Chua is trying to find ways and means of overcoming the electorate’s negative image towards him. He is trying to accomplish it in the hope of pulling in the votes.



For example, during the AGM, the offer of scholarships to SPM students was deliberately announced to give it publicity. Likewise, the entry qualification set for UEC holders to enter teacher training institutions was highlighted. Similarly, a lot of publicity was given about PTPN (National Higher Education Fund Corporation) loans for students of Chinese Independent Chinese schools.



You can see that the issue of Chinese education is the life line of MCA just as Malay rights is to Umno. So, maybe Chua sees this (Chinese education) as MCA's life support when he is gets that sinking feeling.



Perhaps, there are some other 'secrets' in the pipeline. Maybe, there will be more details about New Villages... health fund... MCA cannot run away from some of its pet projects. One thing is for sure: Chua will make more announcements as the general election gets nearer.



Will all these you mentioned suffice to get back Chinese votes or voters in general?



In my opinion, the answer is 'no'. The party leadership has recognised that the mindsets of Malaysians have changed or are changing. But I don’t see any improvements in the rhetoric. Instead it is full of contradictions.



Don’t forget, MCA has been around for decades. The leadership is plagued with anxieties over its political failure that had contributed to the present state of affairs.



To me the message it conveys is this: 'I have done this wrong. I am not perfect and I admit my mistakes. Let us put this behind and move forward.'



But the problem is that many voters are not willing either to forgive or forget MCA’s leadership failure. The party has been around for more than 50 years... but its role in the BN is being gradually eroded.



Do you think the criticisms directed at Pakatan Rakyat by MCA-BN justifiable?



Pakatan has been ruling some states since 2008. Even Najib (Tun Razak) has said he was given only one-and-half years and hence, there was no way he can fulfil the long wish list. In the meantime, the BN has launched all sorts of verbal attacks against Pakatan for its blunders in governance.



Don’t you think that the list of MCA-BN's misdeeds is longer and more serious? I am sure many Malaysians are thinking people. When MCA accused DAP of collaborating with PAS, the leadership must also consider its own stormy relationship with Umno. Sometimes I wonder if politicians do suffer from 'Parkinson's disease'.



Till today, there have been no answers as to why the MCA had politically failed, including losing the Penang chief ministership status, and strategic ministerial posts (which are no longer held by MCA). Civil service employment continues to be lopsided and many other outstanding issues have still not been resolved.



Chua chose to mention those things that are more palatable to his audience and hid the past failures of his party over the decades. When he said that Malaysians are better than their forefathers, is he saying their successes came from heaven? In fact, many had worked hard and succeeded despite the New Economic Policy, and not because they benefited from the never-ending NEP.



Those few who were successful and had derived benefits from the NEP were able to do so because of political patronage. Everybody knows that but perhaps not Chua.



Lastly, how do you rate the chances of MCA being able to recover from the next general election?



I am in no position or an expert to answer this with accuracy. I wish I am an alien from outer space endowed with an intuitive capability that can look into the party’s future.



Even within the party, there are so many experts who are still unsure of a definite answer. Who are we from the outside to give an accurate rating?



But as an outsider and based on feedback, I think there are certainly some issues which MCA cannot deal with. These are issues which lie beyond the jurisdiction or powers of the party and therefore, it cannot call the shots.



There are also certain realities which MCA cannot reverse, which a two-party system may be able to do.



When the party points an accusing finger at Pakatan, four other fingers are pointing back at MCA. If the party continues to campaign on the fear factor, and along communal line, I think it is heading for more backlash.



I can only say that it (message of fear) doesn’t work anymore.



Furthermore, the chances of its recovery are beyond the control of its leadership. I don’t wish to make a blanket judgment on the number of seats it will win because it is not realistic unless one conducts an analysis of the seats. Moreover, everything is still fluid. We can only cross the bridge when we come to it.

Monday, October 11, 2010

MCA women leaders talk about Soi Lek's DVD sex scandal

Sunday, October 10, 2010

Malaysia Chronicle


KUALA LUMPUR – The 35th annual general assembly of the Wanita MCA today turned lively when the sex scandal involving MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek was raised by a delegat from Pahang, Khiew Yuh Jiuan, claimed that most party members were embarrassed that a top party leader had a “moral problem”.



She also felt that the party’s struggles had failed with regard to the matter which resulted in many members not being able to state their stand on the scandal clearly.



“When we want to express our views, others will attack the party easily by citing the president’s sex scandal. As members, we had to remain silent. Party president (Dr Chua), can your leadership assist in expanding the MCA?” she asked.



This statement was greeted by loud applause from the delegates who had filled up the meeting hall at Hotel Berjaya Times Square, here.



Speaker Ooi Siew Kim then said that Khiew’s speech clearly reflected the sentiments of party members from the grassroots right up to the party leadership.



In January 2008, Dr Chua relinquished his position in the Cabinet and the MCA vice-presidency after admitting that he was the man in the sex video which had been widely distributed.



Dr Chua was elected to lead the MCA in the extraordinary general meeting of the party on March 28 after beating incumbent Datuk Seri Ong Tee Kiat and a former president, Tan Sri Ong Ka Ting.



Former Wanita MCA head Datin Paduka Chew Mei Fun, who was unhappy with the election results, later relinquished all her positions in the party and as deputy minister to fulfill her promise to do so if Dr Chua were to become MCA president.



In her debate, vice-head Senator Heng Seai Kie hoped the delegates could accept the party leadership that had been elected with an open mind so that the internal crisis could end.



She was confident that the party still had a bright future in the national political arena although there were many members who could not accept the results of the election in March. – Bernama 


Low turnout at MCA Youth, Wanita AGMs sparks questions

Sunday, October 10, 2010

Malaysia Chronicle


KUALA LUMPUR - Despite efforts by MCA leaders to consolidate and unite the party, the low turnout at the MCA Youth and Wanita annual general meetings raises questions. If the turnout is any yardstick, it is a sign that all is not well in the party.



The attendance at the MCA Youth AGM was 51 per cent and at the Wanita AGM 56 per cent, much lower than at any previous annual general meeting, particularly in a non-election year.



Some party insiders attribute this to the strong "undercurrents" against the party's top leadership as some Youth and Wanita members are said to be not happy with the respective movements' leadership and several decisions by the top leadership.



Among the decisions are the recommendations for two posts of senatorship for the party, which has not gone down well with some quarters in the party.



The party's central committee had recommended Wanita MCA Secretary-General Chew Lee Giok instead of the movement's chief Datuk Yu Chok Tow as a candidate for senatorship.



Another of the decisions was to extend the senatorship of Khoo Soo Seang for another three years.



The above proposals, which were made in view of the vacancy for two MCA senatorial positions, has riled some members in both movements as they believe other people should be given the opportunity to hold the positions.



"What we see is that they only nominated people who are linked to the party president to hold the positions," said a party insider.



Apart from that, the situation was made worse by a tussle between two groups in the Wanita movement -- one linked to the previous leadership and the other to the current leadership.



However, top leaders of both movements have downplayed the percentage turnout as they regarded it as common since it was not a party election year.



"The turnout could easily hit 80 per cent if the AGM was held in an election year. This is very common," said Yu (left), the Wanita MCA chief.



"This is not the worst. Before, we have had an average of between 29 and 50 per cent turnout. This is normal during a non-election year. Of course, it could be better," said MCA Youth Chief Datuk Dr Wee Ka Siong.



Other leaders believe the low turnout could be related to the Nine Emperor Gods festival on Oct 10 tomorrow as well as many weddings taking place on the auspicious date of 10.10.10.



The Nine Emperor Gods Festival is a nine-day Taoist celebration beginning on the eve of ninth lunar month of the Chinese calendar, which is observed tomorrow, primarily in Southeast Asian countries like Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and also the Riau Islands.



However, for party veteran Datuk Yap Pian Hon, the low turnout also showed that the movement had not regained confidence following its worst electoral performance in the 2008 general election.



"The confidence level among members has not really returned. They have to work out how to regain the confidence in the youth movement, how to ensure the spirit of the political party is reinstalled immediately," he said.



Yap, who is also a former MCA Youth chief and three-term party vice-president, said that even during a non-election year, the turnout at AGMs has been between 60 and 70 per cent.



"However, what is more important is that the meeting is on and it shows that some delegates are still concerned for the party and they turn up at the meeting to show their support," he said. - BERNAMA 


Despite the show, all is still not well at the MCA

Monday, October 11, 2010

Malaysia Chronicle



KUALA LUMPUR - The 57th MCA Annual General Assembly was supposed to have shown that things are back to normal in the party and the members are united and consolidating the party after 18 months of turmoil.



The infighting seemed to have been settled after the party held fresh leadership elections in March to end the crisis and Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek was elected as the new president.



Even Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, when officiating at the MCA assembly - for the first time since becoming prime minister last year, commended Dr Chua for his efforts to consolidate and revive the party.



Najib said the current AGM was important and significant because it could be assumed to be a meeting to launch a renewal and rehabilitation of the MCA.



However, things do not seem to be heading that way. For one thing, the central delegates unexpectedly rejected a proposed amendment to give MCA Youth members representation at the party's annual general assembly.



The minor amendment would have allowed a member of the MCA Youth from every branch and division to be a delegate at the general assembly. Currently, only representatives from the Wanita wing attend the assembly.



"The amendment was simple and minor. Nothing controversial, but still the delegates rejected it, first time in history. Why couldn't a small matter like this go through? What is the message?" asked MCA veteran leader Datuk Yap Pian Hon.



Yap, a former youth chief and vice-president, said rejection of the proposal had put the party in a difficult position to attract young members as the party could be perceived as being unwilling to give an opportunity to the young members to move up.



The first indication that things are still not well in the party came on Saturday when a Wanita delegate from Pahang, Khiew Yuh Jiuan, raised the issue of the sex scandal involving Dr Chua.



Her criticism drew applause from delegates at the meeting, indicating that some party members were still unwilling to let go of some issues which bogged them down, and move forward.



In fact, some party members believe that the Wanita delegates had played a major role in rejecting the proposed amendment as they are seen to be unhappy with the MCA Youth proposal to open the youth movement to MCA Beliawanis members currently placed under the Wanita wing.



MCA Beliawanis is a club which was set up to attract professional women below 35 years of age to join the MCA.



Some Wanita leaders have openly questioned the youth movement's motive for such a move and expressed anger that Wanita leaders were not consulted on the matter.



"Wanita MCA has more than 300 central delegates. If you look at today's outcome of the voting, the number of those who voted against the proposed amendment is about the same (number). That's why I believe they have rejected it," said a Wanita delegate.



Whatever it is, some political analysts are of the view that the delegates' rejection of the proposed amendment had somehow indirectly put Dr Chua's leadership in a bad light even though it was due to the unpreparedness of the youth leadership in putting forward the proposal. - BERNAMA



Malaysia Chronicle

Tuesday, September 14, 2010

Tee Keat soldiers on - with or without MCA

Exclusive Interview with Free Malaysia Today, Final Part

15 Sep 2010

By Teoh El Sen




KUALA LUMPUR: Politics aside, former transport minister and ex-MCA president Ong Tee Keat is a down-to-earth kind of guy. That's why these days, the Pandan MP has been going to the ground to serve not only his constituents, but also the public at large, living up to his new catchphrase: "My commitment is to the people. It remains unchanged."



Ong is steadfast in this public duty despite talk that he could be dropped as an MCA candidate in the Pandan seat in the next general election. In the last of a three-part interview with FMT, Ong said he now has more time to go back to, and focus on, the type of community work that he loves doing all this while -- with or without the support of his party.



He said he is now using the NGO platform – notably Yayasan Bakti Nusa – in spearheading more community programmes of late. Ong is continuing his efforts in HOPE (Higher Opportunities for Private Education), an initiative to help students who failed to get into public universities to obtain places at private universities at subsidised rates.



He is also launching another project called TRAIN (Technical Resource and Internship Network), a vocational training programme for school leavers and dropouts.



Apart from his popular weekly mobile clinic project in Pandan, Ong also recently started a baby hatch project to save abandoned babies and a “city survival” programme to help women cope with urban living.



Of late, Ong is spending more time indulging in his hobby – reading. He has also taken up a new "job" as a columnist for several news outlets.



Below are excerpts of the interview:




FMT: Since your departure as transport minister, how have you been spending your time in your Pandan constituency?



Ong Tee Keat: In the past months since I left, I've been spending more time in my constituency doing community work largely conducted by Yayasan Bakti Nusa Malaysia. I am still playing the role of executive adviser to Yayasan Bakti Nusa (an NGO formed more than 10 years ago). On top of that, of late, I have just started my column for the Malay, Chinese and English media. On and off, I also find time to pursue my hobby -- reading. Not just politics but also memoirs of celebrities, especially political celebrities. That is how I spend my time.



FMT: Can you elaborate more on these 'NGO activities' by Yayasan Bakti Nusa?



OTK: When I was serving as a deputy minister some years ago, I had conceived the idea of enhancing access to local university education. Through a programme known as HOPE (www.hope.org.my), we have formed a committee to monitor the intake of 16 private universities. If they still have excess seats available, we will help students who failed to gain entry into public universities to enrol in anyone of these private institutions. Their subsidised tuition fees are comparable to those of public universities. Thus, we are offering a second chance to those who didn't get into public universities.



FMT: So this HOPE programme is still ongoing?



OTK: Yes it is. We introduced this on Jan 1, 2007, with the 16 participating universities. To date, we have more than 1,000 students sponsored under the HOPE programme. So this is really something close to your heart?Yes, certainly. Now we are undertaking a second phase: we are taking in SPM and UEC students instead of only STPM students. (The UEC exam is for Chinese independant schools.) For those students who can't afford the subsidised rate, we can assist them to apply for the government-sponsored National Higher Education Fund Corporation loans.



There is another initiative of yours called TRAIN (Technical Resource and Internship Network). Could you tell us more about this?TRAIN is not train coaches. But it is a new manpower or vocational training programme specifically meant for dropouts or school leavers. We know that the dropouts will not be taken in by government-run vocational schools which require an SPM qualification. But dropouts, especially those who don't have adequate proficiency in Bahasa Malaysia and English, are the people left in the lurch. TRAIN (www.train.org.my) provides courses to enable them to acquire entrepreneurial skills so that they can secure a better livelihood.



I am going to launch a new phase after Hari Raya. Some of the courses are conducted in Mandarin, some in Bahasa... it depends on the needs of the students.What we want to make sure is that the early school leavers have a platform to acquire the necessary skills in a language they are comfortable in. Because if you were to conduct courses in a language they don't understand, it will defeat the purpose.



FMT: Where is TRAIN based and how many students do you have?



OTK:  This is just the beginning... when we enter the new phase, it would be more realistic for us to announce the figures. So far, we have managed to take in more than 200 students. Currently, TRAIN is based in the Klang Valley, but we want to have more training personnel to join us.



FMT: How and why were HOPE and TRAIN conceived?



OTK: I was prompted to start these two programmes as a result of my own personal experience. When I was 13, I nearly became a dropout and joined the child labour force. This was because my dad suddenly passed away.



Those days we needed to pay school fees and we struggled. I had gone through all this with my brother so I know it is extremely challenging.



My elder brother was a dropout and throughout his working life as an electrician, he never got his skills certified just because of his lack of proficiency in Bahasa and English. He is now retired.So, you may have the working experience, but you still can get nowhere. I have seen enough cases like this in our community. I wanted to make sure this was changed.



As for HOPE, when I served as the MCA Youth chief, every year without fail, throngs of students came to us to seek our help because they couldn't get into local public universities. We have to register their names and bring up their cases to the authorities. But I don't really believe in fighting endless battles, so I started HOPE.



FMT: Where does the funding of these projects come from?



OTK:  We started from very limited funds. We don't have the hard cash to meet the demands of each and every person. But the participating universities are subsidising; after all, we are using their excess, unused seats and they had agreed to do this as part of their Corporate Social Responsibility or community service inititiative.



FMT:  What other programmes are you working on?



OTK:  I started two other social intervention programmes for women and children. First is the city survival programme meant for women and second is the life-saving project for abandoned babies.



FMT: Are there many baby-dumping cases in Pandan and why are you teaching women about city survival?



OTK : Not only in Pandan but also in the greater Kuala Lumpur and Ampang Jaya. When I thought about these two programmes, I had in mind not only Pandan but also the country as a whole. It is going to be a series of nationwide programmes. This is not going to be a political (undertaking) but based on humanitarian grounds. It is imperative for us to do something about this.



We are focused on life-saving because we don't want to get embroiled in age-old polemics of whether it is moral or immoral to abandon babies. Suffice to say, we are concerned about saving lives.As for city survival, women need to learn to be more streetwise and be given sufficient knowledge and information on the latest developments in the crime scene.



FMT:  Is this your own brainchild or are you getting help from the MCA, or is this strictly NGO work?



OTK:  I would say that is my brainchild. At the same time I am aided by my NGO friends, who would often engage in a brainstorming



session with me over lunch.When I was vice-president, I brought these programmes to the MCA, but I must admit that at that material time, it did not seem to attract much attention from the MCA leaders.



With or without their participation, we managed to kickstart this programme without any financial aid from the government. But I did not brag about this. Also, in each constituency, we have a committee under the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development called the Council of Welfare and Social Development (Mayang). I am the chairman of Pandan Mayang. When I am asked time and again if I would party-hop, I would answer that my loyalty is to the people. When I say this, it's not platitude and neither is it rhetorical. I mean business. Even without a ministerial post, I won't give up my endeavours. These are my brainchild. I have to work them out and give them a new lease of life.



FMT:  How about your mobile clinic project, how is that coming along?



OTK: 
Every Sunday morning without fail, our mobile clinic with doctors and nurses has been going round from community to community in Pandan since February this year. This is for the urban poor, especially the low and middle low-income groups.We could see that residents in apartment or flats are responding positively. In just a few hours, we could have a crowd of about 200 people. Sometimes it could rise to 400 and so we have to extend our time.



We are planning to start another mobile clinic. When we talk about the urban poor, we can go on talking all day, but we also need such an intervention programme. I spend at least one hour at each stop. Sometimes I just put on my jeans and walk in and talk to the waiting crowd. Through this programme, we even managed to identify some of the common problems of the people living in the same area. Sometimes it's linked to local concerns such as the quality of drinking water.



Do you find any problem serving your constituency without holding any national post in both the party and the government?



Of course. Without the ministerial portfolio, fund allocations under the minister's quota would definitely be taken away from me. Now I work within the bounds of limited funds in my constituency. But that has in no way dampened my commitment to serve the people in Pandan.



FMT:  Are you working on anything to raise funds?



OTK :  Fundraising for a backbencher would not be as easy as you think, compared to a minister's effort.



FMT:  At this juncture are you involved in any businesses?



OTK:  No. When I say that I need to spend time and need to focus on my work, I really mean it. There's no such thing as part-time business or being a part-time boss. And I don't believe in half-heartedness in doing things.



FMT:  Would you be confident of a win if you were given another chance to contest this parliamentary seat?



OTK:  Well, of late, there has been speculation that I would most likely be dropped as an MCA candidate for the Pandan seat. I am keeping my fingers crossed... My commitment to serving the people remains unchanged.